The task of convincing the
President and the majority
Hrasha Gunasena
The President said that he was the President of all
Sri Lankans, including the people who did not vote for him. The election
results were highly polarised along ethnic lines.
It is important to note that minorities did not
vote for the extremist candidates of their ethnicities. They voted
overwhelmingly for a Sinhala Buddhist. This was the situation at the last
Presidential Election as well. This time the trend continued with the
sharpening of this polarisation. This election was canvassed mainly on the
grounds of national security and ethnicity. Ironically, if Sri Lanka needs
national security at this point in history, it needs to harmonise the different
ethnicities and religions, rather than dividing them. Therefore, the country
currently has the wrong mindset.
Democracy is the rule of the majority. If the
majority tries to suppress the needs of the minority, democracy will
deteriorate to the level of a dictatorship of the majority. Sri Lanka was in
this situation for long time and sometime back it tried to march towards pure
dictatorship. It was foiled and thereafter democratic freedom was established.
However, it did not return to the status of pure democracy.
The President stated that he would not address the
political aspirations of the Tamils, but he would certainly address their
economic aspirations since the Sinhalese would not be opposed to the
development of predominantly Tamils areas. He thinks that in this way their
political aspirations will fade away. In other words, the assumption is that
the root cause of the problem is an economic one. It is not.
The people of Hong Kong launched a massive protest
campaign against Chinese rule. Hong Kong is economically sound, but they
selected to protest against the Chinese-backed extradition law by compromising
their economic growth. Scotland is enjoying asymmetrical power sharing in Great
Britain. They can decide whether to leave Great Britain or not, but they
decided to stay at the last referendum. Catalonia is a wealthy region in Spain,
having a separate parliament and contributing to 19% of Spain’s GDP. There is a
widespread belief among Catalonians that the central government takes much more
from them in taxes than it gives back.
Therefore, low economic conditions may not be the
reason. On the other hand, when the economy grows it may be more difficult to
suppress the political aspirations of Tamils, contrary to the belief of the
President. What the President is not saying is that the political movement he
represents worked intentionally to uphold Sinhalese chauvinism and took
political advantage of that. From S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike onwards, Opposition
political parties worked this way. Only Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and
Ranil Wickremesinghe did not follow this strategy. They have their own
shortcomings and deficiencies, but they did not try to take political advantage
of the national question.
Mahinda Rajapaksa, a former President, got the best
opportunity to solve this question as the leader who ended the war.
Unfortunately, he avoided that. Yitzhak Rabin was the Commander-in-Chief
of the Israel defence forces during the six-day war in 1967. When he was the
Prime Minister in 1994, he signed the Oslo-backed Israel-Palestinian peace
agreement which paved the way for him getting a Nobel Peace Prize. However, he
was subsequently assassinated by a person who opposed the peace treaty. Mahatma
Gandhi, who was a key figure of Indian independence and proponent of an end to
ethnic, religious and caste-based discrimination in India, was also
assassinated as a result of his stand in ethnic riots in 1947. The former
President may have thought that it was better to stay alive rather than getting
the Nobel Prize.
Past ethnic harmony
This was not always the case. History teaches us a
different lesson. For millennia in this country we did not have ethnic
conflicts until 1915. Conflicts and wars were waged among kings and princes.
They were concerned about power and not ethnicity. There were many Sinhalese in
the army of Elara. The Mahavamsa praised Elara, saying that he ruled “with even
justice toward friend and foe, on occasions of disputes at law”. Magha, who
ruined our civilisation and paved the way to shift the kingdom to the South in
the 13th Century, was not a Tamil. Sinhalese kings sought the support of the
Pandyans against the Chola invasions.
Sinhalese and Muslims lived in this country in
harmony for over a millennium. During the rule of Sinhala kings, Muslims served
in royal courts and advised their rulers on international affairs and trade.
They also served in Buddhist monasteries and were allowed to build their
mosques on temple premises. Sinhala kings allowed them to settle in the Kandyan
District to save them from the influence of Western invaders.
This situation changed in the late 19th Century
with the advent of the Buddhist revival movement. During that time, Sinhala
Buddhists were downtrodden and the hegemonic domination of society was with the
Christians and trade was with the non-Sinhalese. Unfortunately, the Buddhist
revival program, which was initially directed against the Christians, was
subsequently redirected at other ethnicities as well. This was the beginning of
ethnic conflict in this country. Contrary to this situation, India managed to direct
its independence struggle against the British, uniting all the religions and
ethnicities of the country.
Therefore, this is a political movement. This was
used by the Opposition leaders starting from Bandaranaike to gain power.
Kumaratunga changed this. The Sudu Nelum movement was able to change the
contaminated Sinhalese mindset to a great extent. Therefore, Mahinda Rajapaksa
had the opportunity to create a paradigm shift in the country’s politics. His
failure was a misfortune to him and the country.
Gotabaya
Rajapaksa is now also presented with a similar opportunity. However, it is not
as great an opportunity as his brother received. The reason for this is that
the stirring of Sinhalese chauvinistic sentiment also contributed to his
victory at the election to a great extent. Bandaranaike, after his victory in
1956, tried to do right by the Tamils but he could not face the pressure of the
people led by Buddhist Bhikkus. He was a liberal democrat. Gotabaya Rajapaksa
is not a liberal democrat. He is an authoritarian leader as requested by the
Bhikkus themselves.
The only constitutional concession the Tamils got
was granted as a result of the Indo-Lanka pact which was signed with the intent
of one person, with the opposition of his Prime Minister and senior ministers
and all the political parties other than Tamil ones, with the imposition of a
curfew and finally a physical attack on the Indian Prime Minister.
Maithripala
Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe did not offer political leadership to the
process of making a new Constitution. The process has reached a considerable
level with the support of all Members of Parliament.
Indian precedent
The Sinhalese fear a political solution without any
valid grounds. They think that if some autonomy is given to Tamils, they will
ask for a separate state. This is incorrect. India provides an example to
negate that belief.
By the time it become an independent country, India
had demarcated the borders of Southern Indian states based on the areas
acquired from Maharajas and the hitherto followed borders of the British. There
were requests for a separate Tamil state in particular, and a separate state
for all the people who spoke Dravidian languages in general. India started the
re-demarcation of the borders of its Southern states in 1953 and it continued
this until 1956.
The states of Hyderabad and Andra were combined and
Telugu-speaking Andra Pradesh was created. Travancore-Cochin State and the
Malabar Provinces of the Madras Presidency were combined and the Malayalam-speaking
state of Kerala was created. The Tamil-speaking Southern Provinces were
amalgamated with the Madras Presidency which was renamed Tamil Nadu in 1968.
The Kannada-speaking provinces of the state of Hyderabad and western Bombay
state were combined with the state of Mysore. This was renamed Karnataka in
1973.
With these changes and with the constitutional
prohibitions for separation, the demand of the separate Tamil state faded away.
What they wanted was separate identities for respective ethnicities and not
separate states. Therefore, it was proved in India that the demarcation of
provinces based on language and ethnicity would run down demands for separate
states. This is quite contrary to the popular belief in the south of Sri Lanka.
It is the task of the country’s concerned civilians
and civil society to convince the majority Sinhalese that if the Tamils are
allowed to fulfill their political aspirations this will not pose any danger to
the territorial integrity of the country. They have to convince the President
that without doing this, forging forward toward economic prosperity alone is
senseless, and this is not a betrayal of the Sinhalese community. This is
swimming against the stream.
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Harsha Gunasena, Daily FT, 2019-12-12
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